‘INDEPENDENCE’ IS DEAD, A DEFLATED BALLOON WITH LITTLE SUPPORT FROM SCOTS AND SO NO MANDATE FOR SEPARATION.

Written by Stephen Bailey.

The latest (2024-25) GERS Report underlines the collective economic strength of being in the United Kingdom. The pooling and sharing of resources across the UK means that Scots benefit by £2,669 more per head in public spending than the UK average (the same is true for Ulster and Wales, who receive a similarly substantial fiscal benefit from being in the UK), which equates to substantially more money for schools, hospitals, and other public services. Scotland makes up around 8.2% of the UK population, but 9.1% of UK public spending was in Scotland. Separating Scotland from the rest of the UK would mean the end of such fiscal transfers and so vastly less money for Scotland’s public services, coupled with ultra-austerity possibly for decades to finance the risible services that would manage to avoid being axed due to lack of funds.

The latest GERS figures demonstrate that the ‘independence’ agenda is effectively over, fueled by the party’s declining popularity (it only ever had a maximum of 36% of the vote of the overall Scottish electorate anyway and usually lower than this), leadership turmoil, and poor performance in recent elections.

Multiple commentators and political figures have concluded that Scottish independence is dead. Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay stated the ‘dream of Scottish independence is dead’ in his first major speech as leader. Former SNP figures like Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon have failed to advance the cause, with their leadership marked by controversy and policy failures. The resignation of First Minister Humza Yousaf, described as a ‘milestone’ marking the end of the SNP’s dominance, is cited as a key moment symbolising the demise of the ‘independence’ project. The movement’s lack of momentum is further illustrated by sparsely attended rallies, with one speaker admitting crowds are getting smaller.

Even the separatists themselves can see that Scots have rejected their agenda, though they’re not honest enough to publicly admit it means the end of their push for ‘independence’.

In addition to the above, the hard data clearly show that the majority of Scots don’t support the separatist agenda.

The SNP’s claim to have derived a mandate for separation by receiving a majority of votes from the public in elections—whether at Westminster, Holyrood, or local council—doesn’t survive the objective scrutiny and rigorous examination of the objective, verifiable, empirical data.

In the 2014 independence referendum, ‘Yes’ received only 1,617,989 votes (44.7%), a losing minority. ‘No’ received 2,001,926 (55.3%) votes on a turnout of 84.6%, the highest recorded turnout for an election or referendum in the United Kingdom since universal suffrage began. The registered voters numbered 4,283,392.

LET’S LOOK AT THE VOTING PERCENTAGES

2015 (Westminster) -SNP: 1,454,436. This was the high-water mark of the SNP’s success and it represented 36% of the total Westminster Parliament electorate in Scotland at the time of 4,035,400.

2016 (Holyrood)-SNP: 1,059,898 over all constituencies. 953,587 over all regions. The average of both votes is 1,006,743, which is 25% of the total registered electorate for the Holyrood election of 4,030,000.

2017 (Westminster)-SNP: 977,569. This was a drop of 476,867 from the 2015 election for the nationalists. This represented 24.9% of the total Westminster Parliament electorate in Scotland at the time of 3,930,000.

2019 (Westminster)-SNP: 1,242,380 of the popular vote. This represented 30.65% of the total Westminster Parliament electorate in Scotland at the time of 4,053,100.

2021 (Holyrood)-SNP: The SNP got 1,291,204 at the constituency level, and 1,094,374 over all the regions. The average of both votes is 1,192,789 which is 27.9% of the total registered electorate for the Holyrood election of 4,280,923.

This is far less than a third of the eligible electorate.

TO CONCLUDE

The SNP has no mandate for ‘independence’.

Its victories at Holyrood, Westminster and local council elections represent nothing more than the triumph of a small, vociferous minority (never higher than 36% of the total electorate’s vote) of activists running around and shouting the loudest, drowning out the voice of the overwhelming majority.

They only prove that a small and determined group of obsessed, loud and active zealots and extremists can force their will on the rest of the population, completely skewing the genuine will of the majority of the overall population.

Winning a majority of seats in Holyrood and a majority of Westminster seats in Scotland didn’t give the SNP any mandate for independence when they only represent around a third of the total registered electorate AND the vast majority of opinion polls on ‘independence’ in Scotland continue to show a majority for Scotland staying in the Union.

Click on the following link to see a table of opinion polls on ‘independence’ in Scotland: https://ballotbox.scot/independence/

The SNP think they are living in the Middle Ages, in a time when the autocratic aristocratic elite ruled by the divine right of kings.

They think they are born to rule over Scotland, irrespective of how competent they are to perform this function and for anybody to even suggest otherwise constitutes some kind of heresy that they are permitted to crush with the zeal of righteous indignation.

They give lip service to modern ideas and pretend to be ‘progressive’ and ‘democratic’, but the fact is they only won around a third of the votes of the total Scottish electorate at the last Holyrood election.

The SNP have no mandate for ‘independence’, however they try to justify it.

Under UK Constitutional Law, no party can obtain a mandate for ‘independence’ from a devolved election because it’s a reserved matter, irrespective of whether or not it’s in their manifesto or how many of the total electorate voted for it (they only received a minority of the total vote anyway). Only the Union Parliament at Westminster can deliver a lawful, constitutionally valid mandate for ‘independence’.

Furthermore, they were mostly voted for by a small percentage of cult ish SNP activists who would vote for them whatever the circumstances. This is because they want ‘independence’ (in fact, they just want separation from the hated England and the rest of the UK, not genuine independence) at any cost (‘independence transcends [absolutely] everything’ as Sturgeon once put it).

What’s more, the vast number of opinion polls in Scotland consistently show a majority of Scots favour staying in the Union. Gaining a mandate from a Holyrood election to form a devolved administration from around a third of the total electorate does not equate to a mandate for ‘independence’. Added to this, on ‘Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg’ (BBC) current SNP leader Humza Yousaf once stated: ‘It is pretty obvious that independence is not the consistent settled will of the Scottish people’. So, there it is, straight from the horse’s mouth. Even the SNP realize that the majority of Scots don’t want ‘independence’, but their sense of entitlement means they ignore this inconvenient truth and pathologically attempt to force their agenda on an unwilling Scotland.

To summarise:

As previously stated, under UK Constitutional Law, it’s impossible for any party to receive a mandate for ‘independence’ from a devolved election, irrespective of what’s in their election manifesto or what the political aims of the party are (i.e. ‘independence’).

The broad panoply of current opinion in Scotland reveals the following picture. The SNP were the largest party at the last Holyrood election and so can form a devolved administration. However, that’s the extent of their mandate from the public. That could change at the Holyrood election next year.

Irrespective of their reason for existing being to separate Scotland from England or whether ‘independence’ is in their manifesto-they are a devolved administration, not the national government of an independent sovereign state and, as such, shouldn’t get involved in reserved matters such as the Constitution (’independence’).

They received far less than a third of the vote of the total electorate at the last Holyrood election. More people voted for pro-Union parties than for pro-independence ones at the 2021 Holyrood election. Most opinion polls on independence have shown a majority for Scotland staying in the Union.

The bottom line remains that the SNP have no mandate under UK Constitutional Law or from the electorate for ‘independence’.

They are a minority government imposing their will on the majority.

The SNP is like the clan leaders of old. They covertly run both SNP and Scottish affairs with a Medieval clannish autocratic and domineering hand, like a clan leader or monarch might have done centuries ago, guided by a mostly distorted, highly romanticised view of Scotland’s past that has been altered to suit their agenda and infused with a massively distorting sense of Scottish exceptionalism.

They have a strangely Medieval and elitist mindset. They are stuck in a bygone era, still trying to refight the battles of that past, pathologically attempting to correct history, which they erroneously believe has gone in the wrong direction and done them a disservice.

The trouble with their approach is that it’s based on a deeply flawed misunderstanding of history which has been skewed by ideology, by prejudice against England and many substantial fatal weaknesses in their case for ‘independence’, all of which destroy their case for separation from the rest of the UK.

They make mistake after mistake, time, and time again, with Scots suffering as a result. Their top spokespeople are demonstrably shown to have no idea what they are talking about and that the SNP have no credible plans for ‘independence’. Ironically, they are as autocratic, repressive and entitled as King John of England.

They have spent the last 18 years ignoring their role at Holyrood of running Scotland’s day-to-day affairs. Instead, they have pursued separation from their bête noire, the hated England, as the living and working conditions of ordinary Scottish citizens get progressively worse (something that doesn’t concern them much, separating Scotland from the rest of the UK is their only real concern; anything else is secondary).

Meanwhile, all the SNP do is ignore the situation and monomaniacally push on with their separation obsession, insulated from reality in their minds only by what they believe to be their divine right to rule.

‘Independence’ is dead. So, why does the SNP and the wider separatist movement insist that they have a divine right to force their agenda on an unwilling Scotland?

The facts are clear: separating Scotland from the rest of the UK (’independence’) has only a small minority support among Scots and is just not economically viable, as GERS, which the SNP’s own Chief Economist certifies as 100% accurate and impartially produced, demonstrates.

HARD FACT: ‘INDEPENDENCE’ IS DEAD. MOST SCOTS SUPPORT THE UK UNION AND HAVE CONSISTENTLY REJECTED THE SEPARATIST AGENDA.

THE SNP AND THE WIDER SEPARATIST MOVEMENT JUST REFUSE TO ACCEPT THIS FACT.

THE UK IS A MUTUALLY BENEFICIAL UNION AND THE HARD OBJECTIVE FACTS PROVE IT

The latest annual ‘Government Expenditure and Revenue Scotland’ Report (GERS) (2024-25) is available for analysis and is extremely revealing for several reasons. According to the Scottish Executive’s (Holyrood) own website (see ‘sources’ below for a link to this site), GERS is described thus:

‘Q: Who produces GERS? ‘A: GERS is produced by Scottish Government statisticians. It is designated as a National Statistics product, which means that it is produced independently of Scottish Ministers and has been assessed by the UK Statistics Authority as being produced in line with the Code of Practice for Statistics. This means the statistics have been found to meet user needs, to be methodologically sound, explained well and produced free of political interference.’

So, GERS is produced by the Scottish Executive’s own economists and statisticians (‘produced by Scottish Government’), is ‘methodologically sound’ (provides an accurate picture of the state of Scotland’s public expenditure and revenue finances) and is impartial in its analysis (‘produced free of political interference’) BY THE SNP’s OWN ADMISSION (please remember this for future reference).

The latest GERS Report reveals the following salient hard, objective facts:

– Scotland’s deficit has now increased by almost £10 billion in just two years, putting the final nail in the coffin of John Swinney’s Scottish ‘independence’ dream.

– Scotland’s net fiscal deficit increased to a huge £26.5 billion, or 11.7% of GDP, with this growing larger every year and ‘underline the collective economic strength of the United Kingdom and how Scotland benefits from the redistribution of wealth inside the UK.’

– Including North Sea oil and gas revenues, the GERS figures, which are produced by the SNP-controlled Holyrood devolved executive’s Chief Economist, showed a net fiscal deficit of £26.5bn compared to £22.68bn in 2023/24 and just over £18bn in the year before that.

– While the deficit as a percentage of Scotland’s GDP increased from 10.4% to 11.7%, the UK deficit also increased slightly but is still less than half, at 5.1%. Total Scottish executive revenue increased from £88.5bn to £91.4bn but is still not enough for Scotland to survive without the UK Government.

– SNP expenditure per person in Scotland is also £2,669 higher than the rest of the UK, with this known as the ‘union dividend’. It is an increase of £358 on the previous year [£2,311 in 2023-24]. Scotland makes up around 8.2% of the UK population, but 9.1% of UK public spending was in Scotland.

These figures clearly demonstrate the collective economic strength of the United Kingdom and how Scotland benefits from the redistribution of wealth inside the UK. By pooling and sharing resources with each other across the UK, Scots benefit by £2,669 more per head in public spending than the UK average. It also means that devolved administrations have the financial strength of the wider UK behind them when making decisions.

That means more money for schools, hospitals, policing and other public services if the devolved executive chooses to invest in those areas. People in Scotland will rightly expect to see better outcomes.

With these facts in mind, the assertion that ‘Scotland props up the UK’ and that ‘North Sea oil subsidises the UK’ is simply not backed up by the facts.

By comparison, Greater London ALONE (i.e. excluding the London metropolitan area) produced just over £500 BILLION (half a TRILLION) pounds, around 1/4 of the UK’s annual GDP of £2.274 TRILLION for 2022, the last year that data is available for.

The London metropolitan area produces around £1 TRILLION, so the GDP of the entirety of London is slightly more than £1.5 TRILLION. Greater London’s economy alone therefore is more than THREE times the size of the ENTIRE Scottish economy, and London’s as a whole is over NINE TIMES BIGGER THAN SCOTLAND’S TOTAL GDP.

It generates more revenue per head than any other part of the UK. In fact, much of the South of England does, and many areas (e.g. counties) in the rest of England have a higher GDP than Scotland. As a whole, the UK‘s GDP (total wealth produced) is JUST OVER EIGHT TIMES BIGGER THAN SCOTLAND’S TOTAL GDP.

Again, with these facts in mind, it is impossible to assert that ‘Scotland subsidises the UK’ as the hard, objective, verifiable, empirical data clearly shows this is just NOT the case.

The myth of the oil argument

The oil argument is yet another SNP-sponsored myth, like their often-repeated ‘Scotland subsidises England’ assertion.

The McCrone Report on the oil fields around the UK was written in 1974, more than 50 years ago. Profitable oil reserves have largely dried up in the following years. Top petrochemical experts have stated that there are around ten years of profitable oil left to extract in the oil fields situated around the seas of the UK. See

What’s more, the new oil fields found to the West of Scotland are situated too deep in the seabed to be easily profitably extracted. The cost of extraction would be greater than the revenue gained from selling the oil, so no sensible company would be prepared to participate in such an unprofitable, unpredictable venture.
Considering the objective facts above, it’s clear that England, or the UK, doesn’t steal Scotland’s money.

In fact, the rUK (England, Wales, and Ulster) is Scotland’s biggest single customer by a very substantial margin, as 59.7% of Scotland’s exports go to the rest of the UK, nearly FOUR TIMES her trade with Europe and very substantially more than her combined trade with both the EU and the rest of the world combined.

Scotland pays her share into the collective UK pot, like England, Wales and Ulster do and that significantly increases the UK’s overall economic standing in the world by several places. Scotland certainly DOESN’T subsidise or prop up the rest of the UK, but we’d all be worse off without her in the Union. Economically, the constituent parts of the UK are undeniably substantially better off together. So, the Union is mutually financially beneficial to the entire UK (without even mentioning the many other areas of mutual benefit, such as politically, socially, culturally, militarily e.t.c.) That money is then distributed around the parts of the UK, dependent on need, and Scotland gets MORE public spending per head thanks to fiscal transfers than England, Wales, or Ulster.

The Scottish Executive’s (Holyrood) own annual economic report, GERS, demonstrates how much the UK Government helps to support the country’s finances and is a serious setback for the SNP’s attempts to break up the UK as it highlights the complete lack of credibility of their economic plans for separating Scotland from the rest of the UK.

Scotland gets an excellent deal out of the Union.

In summary:

These figures underline the collective economic strength of being in the United Kingdom. The pooling and sharing of resources across the UK means that Scots benefit by £2,669 more per head in public spending than the UK average (the same is true for Ulster and Wales, who receive a similarly substantial fiscal benefit from being in the UK), which equates to substantially more money for schools, hospitals, and other public services. Scotland makes up around 8.2% of the UK population, but 9.1% of UK public spending was in Scotland. Separating Scotland from the rest of the UK would mean the end of such fiscal transfers and so vastly less money for Scotland’s public services, coupled with ultra-austerity possibly for decades in order to finance the risible services that would exist.

The SNP needs to inform the public what separation would cost and what a new Scottish currency would be, its value, how much it would cost to fund and its impact on mortgages, wages, interest rates, among other questions, but it won’t. Why? Because the separatists know that they have no answers to offer, no viable plan for financing a separate Scotland and the objective, verifiable, empirical facts, as laid out conclusively in the GERS Report, which the SNP THEMSELVES produce and accept as entirely accurate, prove it.

Sources:

Government Expenditure and Revenue Report, 2024-25: https://www.gov.scot/publications/government-expenditure-revenue-scotland-2024-25/

GDP data for London, 2022:

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